Please explain your experiences in examining Indo-Pak relations.
Conflict and competition are natural characteristics of Indo-Pak relations. Harmony and co-operation should be the objective for any meaningful effort. This would be possible when the realization occurs that this objective is no longer an ideal, but a necessity for survival. My interactions with Pakistani friends at the South Asia Fraternity Camps convince me that people share this feeling, but they are still haunted by fears of domination, which have made it possible for opportunistic politicians to create an artificial partition.
You've traveled through Kashmir and spent time in Punjab during the early 90s. How do you compare Hindu-Sikh relations with Hindu-Muslim relations, particularly in light of the Khalistani and Kashmir disputes?
In the early '90s, the Sikhs had felt insulted by the 'Blue Star' operation violating the sanctity of the Golden Temple to flush out the rebels who used the Gurudwara as their base. These rebels had been nurtured for partisan political advantage, just like the Taliban was nurtured as a counter force and boomeranged. In other words, the problem with the Hindu-Sikh relations started from insensitivity to genuine aspirations and political opportunism. It was not deep rooted, because of the warmth and fraternal feelings that have historically existed between Hindus and Sikhs. Many families had members professing either or both faiths.
Khalistan was inspired by Pakistan both as a concept and as a violent movement. Appropriate actions corrected the situation. Last month, when we crisscrossed Punjab as guests of Sikh friends, the warmth we felt was even more than in any other part of India.
The same thing cannot be said about Kashmir. The problem is more deep-rooted. The Muslim majority was ruled by a Hindu king and dominated by educated Hindus. Such injustice existed in other parts of India also. The national freedom movement, although primarily against the British, had roots also in the princely states. The popular leadership in Kashmir under Sheikh Abdullah identified itself with the secular, democratic, federal vision of India. The 'two-nation' theory of Muslims forming a separate nation did not have a hold there. The situation changed because of wrong policies and actions of both the state and the central government. The relentless campaign from Pakistan and the propagation of Islamic fanaticism initiated and sustained by resources from outside gave a religious color to the popular discontent.
I've noticed that Hindus in India, particularly urban youth, have become increasingly resentful of Muslim Indians in recent years. Do you think this indicates the partial success of the Hindutva agenda?
Resentment occurs when you perceive that your aspirations are threatened by unjust means, particularly by organized groups. Youth unemployment is rampant in India. Urban young people have greater aspirations and they perceive real and imaginary threats. Special benefits enjoyed by Muslims and different castes naturally enrage them when enlightened leadership does not provide the necessary guidance. Instigators of hate have a field day in India in the absence of enlightened leadership.
How has Gandhism adapted to these times?
Gandhian thoughts and activities have been somewhat subdued, but of late, there have been signs of resurgence. An example is the recent International Conference on Gandhian Alternatives to Terrorism and War, the first conference of that type after September 11.
You've suggested that terrorism is not exclusive to followers of any one religion. Do you think Hinduism is as vulnerable as any faith?
It is less vulnerable because it is not an organized religion. There is greater freedom and diversity in the practice of the Hindu religion. But such a comparison is meaningless, because it takes only a few people to take up terrorism and there will be enough in any group of people. Statistics and probability are irrelevant in the context of terrorism of modern age because of the easy affordability, accessibility and potency of the tools of terrorism.